New discoveries are overturning long-held assumptions and revealing previously ignored complexities at the desert castle of Khirbet al-Mafjar
By SARA TOTH STUB
Tuesday, November 01, 2016
In 1935, Dmitri Baramki, a young archaeologist working for the British administration in his native Palestine, began excavating three dirt mounds outside the ancient city of Jericho 25 miles east of Jerusalem. Baramki was concerned that important evidence of a Byzantine church or monastery inside the mounds was being destroyed by the locals’ habit of pilfering and reusing the ancient stones for building material. However, he soon realized that what he had found was not a Christian religious building at all, but instead, the remains of an eighth-century Islamic palace.
Though much of the palace complex was in shambles, likely destroyed by an earthquake in A.D. 747, Baramki’s team nevertheless unearthed detailed mosaics and stuccowork of the highest quality that once had decorated the palace’s walls and floors. Baramki also discovered a white marble ostracon inscribed in ink in Arabic reading “Hisham, commander of the faithful.” The phrase is probably the opening of a letter, and is the only writing found at the site. Local residents, who had previously called the mounds Khirbet al-Mafjar, “Ruins of Flowing Water,” for their location near an aqueduct, began referring to them as “Hisham’s Palace.” Soon archaeologists concluded that the palace had been built during the reign of Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik, the tenth Umayyad caliph (r. A.D. 724-743), Islam’s chief religious and political leader.
The Umayyads were a merchant family from Syria who converted to Islam in 627. Islam’s founder, Muhammad, died in 632 without leaving a clear system of succession, ushering in a period of strife. By 661 the Umayyads had ascended to the caliphate, having won the first of many wars fought for leadership of the religion and its growing sphere of influence. The first Umayyad caliph, Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, moved the caliphate’s capital from Medina, in what is now Saudi Arabia, to Damascus, in modern-day Syria, where the family already had high standing, thereby boosting the power and legitimacy of the new leader. For 89 years the Umayyads reigned over an empire stretching from India to Spain. Their fragile hold on power was constantly threatened by various groups claiming rights to the caliphate, and they ultimately lost several key military battles to the Abbasid Dynasty, who finally wrested away control in 750.
Robert W. Hamilton was the head of the British Mandate for Palestine’s Department of Antiquities who oversaw Baramki’s excavations at Khirbet al-Mafjar and eventually joined him at the dig in the later 1940s. The sumptuous nature of the palace, much more extensively decorated than other Umayyad desert compounds found across the Middle East, could, thought Hamilton, only be fully explained by linking it to one particular short-lived caliph—a nephew of Hisham named Walid ibn Yazid, known from later Islamic writers for his love of music, wine, and women. “It existed for reasons which must be sought not in the realm of public affairs but in that of personal pleasure,” Hamilton wrote in his 1959 book, Khirbat al-Mafjar: An Arabian Mansion in the Jordan Valley. In another book, Walid and His Friends, Hamilton relates a story from the tenth-century text of Islamic historian Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani about Walid bathing in a tub of wine, and then emerging intoxicated with the level of wine in the tub significantly lowered. Al-Isfahani does not mention where this episode took place, but Hamilton writes that it occurred in the palace’s bathhouse.
Sidebar:
The Palace’s Other Lives
Hamilton determined that Khirbet al-Mafjar was abandoned after Walid was killed in 744—allegedly assassinated by a family member for his wild behavior. “Walid and all his company, his singers, his horses and hounds, his builders and his girls were totally forgotten,” Hamilton writes. “Only the name of ‘al Mafjar,’ meaning ‘where water gushes out,’ or, by a quirk of language, less agreeably ‘the place of fujur (debauchery)’ may still be whispering to their ghosts of ancient pleasures dimly remembered.” With Baramki’s publications not well known, and the reports from the only other excavation of the site by a team of Jordanians in the 1960s lost, Hamilton’s emerged as the dominant narrative of the site.
Scholars today are quick to point out Hamilton’s colonial motivations, saying he, like many Europeans at the time, viewed Islamic culture as a mix of the backward and the exotic. Aside from a few late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century explorers, European powers had only entered the Middle East recently, at the end of World War I, establishing colonial mandates that lasted through World War II in what are now Syria, Lebanon, Israel, and other countries. The same scholars also note that the Islamic historians Hamilton relies on are widely viewed as biased against the Umayyads because they were writing under the Abbasid Caliphate, and had an interest in portraying its predecessors as corrupt and impious in order to promote Abbasid legitimacy. “Hamilton’s writings have cast this particular monument in a very superficial role in Islamic architecture,” says Donald Whitcomb, a University of Chicago archaeologist who, along with the Palestinian Authority’s Department of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage, is now leading the Jericho Mafjar Project. “I don’t deny that the Umayyads had some good parties, but I don’t think it was the purpose of the site.”
Now, thanks to Whitcomb and his team’s work, the story of Khirbet al-Mafjar is becoming one of nearly 400 years of long-lasting cultural, economic, and political achievement, rather than a few years of a wayward caliph’s escapades. And instead of casting the palace as an anomaly, this new understanding offers insights into the early development of Islamic cities, how the Umayyads sought to exert control and influence over an area mainly inhabited by Christians and nomadic Bedouins, and the persistence of culture even under shifting political, economic, and religious circumstances.
During Baramki’s and Hamilton’s original excavations, which covered more than 3.5 acres, they unearthed the remains of an impressive complex composed of a palace, bathhouse, courtyard, and mosque, all surrounded by defensive walls. The palace’s interior walls and ceilings are covered in extravagantly carved stucco in whimsical patterns, along with human and animal figures. Much of the imagery is derived from both the Greek and pre-Islamic Persian Sasanian Empires. Brick vaulting echoes building techniques from ancient Iraq. The floor plan of the palace, consisting of rooms arranged around a central courtyard, is reminiscent of those of the Romans. “There is no doubt there is something about this architecture that is an inheritance from pre-Islamic tradition,” says Katia Cytryn-Silverman, a Hebrew University of Jerusalem expert in Islamic archaeology.
The Umayyads not only esteemed the beauty of the imagery of their predecessors, explains Cytryn-Silverman, they were also employing styles associated with these powerful empires of the past in order to affirm their own present authority. “This was a time when pre-Islamic tradition was followed and admired,” Cytryn-Silverman says. “In this melting pot of past and present empires, the Umayyads were still looking for their language of expression and ways to demonstrate their rulership.
Sidebar:
The Palace’s Other Lives
Baramki and Hamilton also uncovered an expansive polychrome mosaic floor measuring nearly 9,000 square feet, making it one of the largest intact mosaics found in this part of the world. The geometric patterns and borders on the mosaic lend it the look of a carpet lining the floor, and, in fact, some tesserae are laid out to look like tassels at the edges of a rug. One alcove in the bathhouse contains a mosaic known as the “Tree of Life,” which depicts two peaceful gazelles separated by a tree from a lion attacking another gazelle. The arrangement has been widely interpreted by Islamic art historians as an Umayyad expression of their desire for political and cultural power, using imagery dating back to ancient Persia and Mesopotamia, where the lion represented royalty. Depictions of lions attacking other animals dating from the Byzantine age have also been uncovered in Jordan and Syria, and the Umayyads would have been familiar with these as well. “The lion often represents power, and this scene is inspired by illustrations from other sites,” says Mahmoud Hawari, an archaeologist and research associate at Oxford’s Khalili Research Centre for the Art and Material Culture of the Middle East, who has studied Khirbet al-Mafjar and other desert castles. Hawari believes that the scene also symbolizes the battle of good versus evil. “The composition of the scene is quite unusual, reflecting how the Umayyads were a hybrid of several civilizations, and we see this in their culture, their art, their way of life.”
While on a fellowship in Amman, Jordan, almost 30 years ago, Whitcomb came across Baramki’s writings. He was particularly intrigued by the earlier archaeologist’s challenge of the idea that Khirbet al-Mafjar was abandoned in 747, and the hints Baramki drops that he thought the site may have a longer legacy: “In the twelfth century it was poorly reconditioned, apparently by newcomers—could they have been some of the troops of Saladin? Pottery and coins left behind by these passing occupants range from the eighth to the thirteenth centuries,” Baramki writes in one of his preliminary reports. Whitcomb first published an article in 1988 on the topic of when and if the site was actually abandoned, and eventually, in 2011, he began renewed excavations.
Over the last several winters, the joint Chicago-Palestinian team’s work has doubled the size of the site Baramki and Hamilton first explored. They have uncovered an agricultural estate connected to the palace compound, which, says Whitcomb, shows that Khirbet al-Mafjar was not simply a place for royal relaxation, but had an economic function, and might even have been a small city. The recent work has also established its classification as one of the “desert castles,” a term used to refer to a few dozen Umayyad estates found in the region. Aside from some remote sensing investigations, the team did not re-excavate the palace and bath complex. It is, however, something that Whitcomb says could be interesting, especially in determining later, post-Umayyad uses and identifying a potential earlier, Roman structure in the area. The original palace and bath area are now an archaeological park, with rows of columns, parts of walls, and some large stucco installations reconstructed in the 1950s by a team from the Rockefeller Museum in Jerusalem while the area was under Jordanian control.
Sidebar:
The Palace’s Other Lives
The new evidence of the extensive remains beyond the palace walls is now providing a fuller picture of the economic importance of Khirbet al-Mafjar and challenging the characterization of the Islamic conquest as ushering in a period of economic downturn. Archaeologist Michael Jennings of the University of Chicago, who is part of the team, explains that such previous assumptions have relied too heavily on accounts of seventh- and eighth-century European Christian pilgrims to the region. Archaeology has now shown that the estate consisted of planting fields, horse-training areas, and a large wine press. The sheer size of the press and the great number of glass vials, storage jars, and large collection of charred date seeds, indicates agricultural production on a scale for commercial use. “This changes the whole idea of the history of the site,” says Jennings. It demonstrates that prosperity from large-scale agriculture, a legacy of the Jericho oasis from as early as the first century B.C., continued into the Islamic period. At that time the area evolved from subsistence farming to the beginnings of selling cash crops of dates, wine grapes, and balsam (or turpentine), and was watered by a sophisticated series of aqueducts.
In addition, this latest research is expanding scholars’ understanding of the means by which the Umayyads sought political and religious influence over rural Arab tribes, who could work on the agricultural estate. It was likely that the Umayyads welcomed local tribal leaders into the palace’s large audience hall to entertain them, convert them to Islam, and forge political alliances. These were the keys to maintaining their hold on power in the new Islamic empire, Jennings explains, in a manner similar to the way in which Christians used networks of rural monasteries to exert political and religious influence.
Work at Khirbet al-Mafjar also has much to say about the impression that customs and mores change immediately upon the introduction of a new culture through conquest. The wine press challenges that idea. Jennings calls the press the most elaborate and well-constructed example in the entire region. It had a brick roof, white mosaic floor, and crushing machinery, and was housed in a building made from the same local ashlar sandstone masonry as the palace and bathhouse. He acknowledges that the site, with its wine press and nude statuary, doesn’t always square with ideas people have about the history of Islam. Instead, scholars have demonstrated that Islam’s ban on alcohol and human imagery only gained traction later and has varied in its stringency by place and time. “It just shows that cultural change doesn’t happen the same moment political change does,” Hawari says. “Wine was part and parcel of Umayyad culture and we even see this reflected in their poetry and songs. People don’t switch their habits overnight.” Hamdan Taha, a former director of the Palestinian Department of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage, concurs, explaining that the wine press, along with the art from the site, is further evidence of how the Umayyads, even while introducing a new religion into the region, still clung to existing cultural practices. “The material at Khirbet al-Mafjar shows that the Umayyads didn’t see any contradiction between their art and their religion,” Taha says, “and understood how they could coexist.”
Although the new excavations have delivered a more nuanced picture of Khirbet al-Mafjar, they haven’t provided proof of which Umayyad royal figures commissioned the palace and who spent time there. Was it Hisham, Walid, or perhaps someone else? Like Baramki, who gave his son the middle name Hisham, and Hamilton, who spent years writing about Walid’s supposed escapades in the palace, Whitcomb and Taha don’t have all the answers. “We are dealing with a place where we don’t have a tight connection between people and the monument,” Whitcomb says. “It’s a serious problem.” Whitcomb would like to keep digging. But Taha walked in the fields north of the palace for years before the renewed excavations, saw unexplored remains poking out of the ground, and even conducted his own small-scale excavation in 2006—and he feels that the understanding of Khirbet al-Mafjar is as clear as it will be for now. “I think the digging is probably over for this generation,” Taha says. “Leaving something for the next generation is also important.”
Sara Toth Stub is a journalist based in Jerusalem.
Looking for the roots of Halloween in Ireland’s Boyne Valley
By ERIN MULLALLY
Monday, October 17, 2016
It is the night of October 31, and hundreds of people have gathered at the Hill of Ward, once known as Tlachtga, in County Meath, Ireland. Some wear robes and masks and carry torches and banners emblazoned with spiritual symbols. It is all part of a revival of the ancient Celtic festival called Samhain (pronounced “SAH-win”) that includes processions, chanting, and storytelling. “Let’s raise our voices together and call back Tlachtga from the mist of time,” proclaims Deborah Snowwolf Conlon, one of the festival’s organizers. It is a contemporary celebration repeated annually, of a piece with countless other seasonal celebrations across the world that have roots both modern and ancient. In this case, neither the choice of site nor date is incidental: The Hill of Ward was one of the main spiritual centers for the ancient Celts, and Samhain was first celebrated at the same time of year millennia ago. New archaeological work is looking closely at the history of the Hill of Ward, which until recently had been overlooked in Ireland’s archaeologically rich Boyne Valley. Researchers are hoping to discover how its use and value evolved over the centuries—along with the traditional rites and celebrations that eventually led to the modern festival of Halloween.
Only 30 miles north of Dublin, the Boyne Valley is the location of one of the world’s most important arrays of prehistoric sites. It includes the well-known “passage tombs” of Newgrange, Knowth, and Dowth, which at around 5,500 years old predate even the pyramids of Egypt. The Hill of Tara, the traditional seat of the ancient High Kings of Ireland, is also nearby. Among them sits the relatively modest Hill of Ward, on privately owned farmland, with striking views across the valley. The site today consists of four concentric earthworks that enclose an area roughly 500 feet in diameter, with some of the banks either partially or completely destroyed. Though some archaeological survey work was done at the Hill of Ward in the 1930s, the site was virtually untouched until summer 2014, when a team led by Stephen Davis of University College Dublin began excavations.
Using lidar and geophysical tools, Davis and his team have determined that the Hill of Ward was built in three distinct phases over many centuries. The first phase was constructed during the Bronze Age (1200–800 B.C.), while the last dates to the late Iron Age, around the time of Ireland’s conversion to Christianity (A.D. 400–520). “The middle phase, or physical center, of the monument, which itself was built in multiple stages,” explains Davis, “is proving the most mysterious.” Much of the excavation work done to date at the Hill of Ward has focused on this middle phase, which is providing tantalizing clues into the ritual roles it may have played throughout the centuries.
Sidebar:Night of the Spirits
The importance of the Hill of Ward begins in ancient Celtic mythology with the story of the druidess Tlachtga, the daughter of a sun god named Mug Ruith, who was said to fly in a machine called the roth rámach or “rowing wheel,” that carried the sun across the sky. A version of the legend tells us that Tlachtga was attacked and raped by the three sons of her father’s mentor, a powerful wizard named Simon Magus. Tlachtga then gave birth to three sons, one from each of these three fathers, at the site of the Hill of Ward. According to legend, she died there during childbirth. From then, the hill held her name and the circular earthworks visible today are said to have been built to mark her grave, with one early source stating that a “fortress” had been raised on the site.
Outside the realm of myth, the site gained further importance when it became associated with the Celtic festival of Samhain, the period from sunset on October 31 to sunset on November 1, which marks the beginning of winter and the transition to a new year. The ancient Celts believed that this night marked a critical spiritual transition, when the spirits of all who had died since the previous Oíche Shamhna (“Night of Samhain”) moved on to the next life. Tradition has it that the ancient Celts assembled on Tlachtga on October 31 and built a sacred fire on which sacrifices, perhaps even human, were offered to thank their pagan gods for a successful harvest. On that night, all fires in Ireland are reputed to have been extinguished, and torches lit from the Tlachtga fire were carried to seven other nearby hills to illuminate the surrounding countryside.
“As Tlachtga was known as a goddess of the sun, the Samhain fire ceremonies could have been an attempt to recognize, or even protect, light and warmth against the growing darkness of winter, as well as obviously representing the sun itself,” says Eamonn Kelly, former Keeper of Antiquities at the National Museum of Ireland. According to Kelly, rituals and ceremonies carried out at Samhain offered people the chance to pray for the return of the sun and gave assurance that it would, in fact, come back.
“Likewise, the end of October could also be seen as a time when the natural world is dying. The harvest is finished, plants and trees have died, and livestock have been slaughtered for the winter,” he continues. “Combining these factors together with the disappearing sun, the ancient Celts felt that Samhain was the point in the year in which the world of the living and the spirit world were closest.”
As the Christianization of Ireland began in the early fifth century, the celebration of Samhain began to fade, but not before contributing strongly to the Halloween festivities we know today (see “Night of the Spirits”). “The celebrations are mentioned to us in the early writings of some of the first Christian scholars settling in Ireland, including St. Patrick himself,” says Kelly.
In later centuries, Tlachtga became an important location for other gatherings, including a national assembly of kings and religious leaders in 1167 organized by the last High King of Ireland, Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair. “With Samhain traditions slowly dying out, Tlachtga must have still had a strong hold on the imagination,” says Kelly, “with leaders possibly choosing it as a meeting site to symbolically demonstrate power and stability.”
Nevertheless, Tlachtga eventually drifted into quiet obscurity. It came to be known as the Hill of Ward, after a landlord who was evicted from the property by Oliver Cromwell in 1649. Cromwell, who was leading an invasion of Ireland, reportedly used the site as an encampment, which may have resulted in the damage to the earthworks.
Sidebar:Night of the Spirits
Davis and his team began their excavation work at the Hill of Ward in 2014, supported by the Meath County Council, the Irish Office of Public Works, and the Royal Irish Academy. They nearly immediately unearthed evidence of large-scale burning activity—but Davis cautions against connecting the find to Samhain celebrations without further scrutiny.
“Equating the intense burning evidence directly to Samhain fire celebrations is definitely tempting, but difficult to conclusively prove,” he says. “It could be related to metalworking, pottery, or glass manufacturing, which we’ve also found evidence of. However, since these skills effectively transformed everyday materials into new objects, rare enough at the time, they perhaps could have been considered ‘magical.’ Of course this ties in with some of the main Samhain themes.”
Much of the other evidence discovered there does point toward a long history of ritual activity of some sort. For example, large quantities of animal bones—a sign of large-scale feasting—have been found throughout all three phases of the site. The lack of evidence of any residential or day-to-day activity strengthens the idea that it most likely was set aside purely for ritual or celebratory activity.
The excavation has continued with field seasons each year, and there have been finds in all three phases of the site, including some scattered Bronze Age human remains and the skeleton of an infant between seven and ten months old interred much later. The child burial, next to which was a ritual deposit of cow bones, dates to A.D. 450, around the time of the arrival of Christianity. “The child was clearly buried with care and having not found any other evidence of burials on the site,” says Davis, “we’d have to guess that this child belonged to someone significant.” A similar skeleton was previously found nearby at the Hill of Tara, once the royal seat.
Davis and his team suspect that other people may have been buried at the site, and that it might in fact once have been the location of a passage tomb, or a narrow gallery with one or more burial chambers around it. The Boyne Valley has more than 40 such tombs and the Hill of Ward is within sight of several of them, each of which would have required knowledge of architecture, engineering, and even astronomy. All of the passage tombs were built in the Neolithic (4000–2500 B.C.) and represent early examples of ceremonial burials. The earliest phases of the Hill of Ward site date to the later Bronze Age, but Neolithic finds there, including two stone axes, two small pieces of pottery, and a javelin head, suggest that deeper, stony layers could contain an even older phase of use. “It is easy to imagine that an early passage tomb is indeed here,” says Davis, “and that the location continued to be a focus for ceremonies after the tomb was either abandoned or collapsed, or was simply incorporated into a later phase.”
The possibility of a passage tomb presents another intriguing idea that could connect the site’s earliest stages with Samhain. Several such tombs near the Hill of Ward are aligned with seasonal equinoxes or the Celtic quarter days that fall between them, one of which is Samhain. For example, Newgrange is famous for the illumination of its passage and inner chamber by the winter solstice sun on December 21, while the Hill of Tara is closely associated with the March 21 spring equinox—and a passage tomb at that site is reputed to be aligned with the Samhain sunrise.
“As the Celtic New Year began with Samhain, there is a correlation between the year starting with winter, with the sun near its lowest point, and working toward light and longer days as the year continues,” says Kelly. “As we know, the Celts were obsessed with the sun. It wouldn’t surprise us at all that if an actual entrance were discovered at the Hill of Ward, it would be solar-aligned to an autumn solstice sun, similar to what we see at Newgrange.”
The most recent revival of Samhain celebrations at the Hill of Ward began 19 years ago. The festivities have been gaining in popularity and demonstrate that, for varying reasons, the Hill of Ward is one of those sites that seems to lend itself to contemplation of the landscape and to the celebrations that have long been a part of human culture.
“It is a fascinating site to visit and reveals the types of rituals and ceremonies that have been held here over the centuries, and how they may have changed along the way,” says Davis. “This smaller hill has managed to influence one of our most beloved holidays, not only in Ireland, but around the world.”
Erin Mullally is a freelance writer based in Dublin.